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How Africa’s ‘ticket’ to prosperity fueled a debt bomb

Credit ratings were meant to help sub-Saharan countries tap global investors to fund much-needed development. But low scores, heavy borrowing and bad luck have left many struggling with crushing bond debt.
By Libby George, Tom Bergin, Tom Wilson and Lawrence Delevingne
August 1, 202411:55 AM GMT+2Updated 27 min ago
In 2002, Africa seemed poised to rise. Wealthy creditor nations were wiping billions of dollars of unsustainable debt off the books of sub-Saharan countries, and global demand was surging for the commodities the region exports, supercharging hopes of a sustained economic boom.
The United Nations, backed by the United States, had a plan to fuel the expansion: sovereign credit ratings. These metrics — essentially an informed guess of a nation’s ability to repay lenders — would for the first time allow a wide swath of the poorest region on Earth to tap yield-hungry investors in the global bond market. And the cash borrowed wouldn’t come with strict controls on how it would be spent, as is the case with financing from multilateral institutions like the International Monetary Fund. The U.N. heralded the initiative as “an assault on poverty in Sub-Saharan African countries.”
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Today, the optimism has faded, washed away by a deluge of debt.
Essential to the plan were the “Big Three” U.S.-based credit rating agencies — S&P Global Ratings, Moody’s Ratings and Fitch Ratings, which together account for more than 90% of global ratings. The rating agencies collected fees for their services and began applying their complex analyses to the region.
Given the troubled economic history and conditions of sub-Saharan Africa, it came as little surprise that the Big Three gave most countries below-investment-grade, or “junk,” ratings. Those low scores meant the countries had to pay higher interest rates on their bonds to attract investors who might otherwise balk at the risk. The thinking at the time was that African countries’ ratings would improve, and their cost of borrowing decline, as their growing economies allowed them both to repay their debts and invest in development.
Instead, the push for credit ratings set these nations on a path to debt many could not afford. Over the past two decades, more than a dozen sub-Saharan countries borrowed nearly $200 billion from overseas bond investors, according to World Bank figures. As their nations’ finances faltered, African leaders lashed out at the rating agencies with allegations that the firms were biased in their assessments. Reuters did not find evidence of systemic bias in the Big Three’s ratings for the region. Rather, Africa’s debt crisis highlights the potential pitfalls when sophisticated financial markets meet impoverished countries eager for development.

After dozens of interviews with current and former Big Three employees, large investors and officials with government and multinational organizations, along with a review of hundreds of pages of regulatory and legal filings, Reuters found that the Big Three weren’t fully prepared for the challenges of rating a region awash in poverty and unfamiliar with the process, and that many of the nations involved weren’t ready for the torrent of cash their credit ratings unlocked.
The upshot: Billions of dollars meant to pay for badly needed improvements to infrastructure, education and healthcare are now going toward interest payments. Sub-Saharan Africa’s average debt ratio has almost doubled in the past decade — from 30% of gross domestic product at the end of 2013 to nearly 60% in 2022. The region today has the highest rate of extreme poverty in the world.
When debt service crowds out spending on infrastructure and other public goods, “the country doesn’t grow, and you just end up in a vicious cycle of poverty,” said Christopher Egerton-Warburton, founding partner of Lion’s Head Global Partners, a London-based investment bank that has advised African governments.
The financial burden carries deadly potential. In June, anti-government riots exploded across Kenya in protest against proposed tax increases, including levies on bread, cooking oil and other staples, to help fund payments on the roughly $80 billion Kenya owes creditors. The rioting, which continued after the proposal was withdrawn, left dozens dead and many more injured.

Bad luck plays a part in Africa’s debt debacle. Some nations weren’t ready when prices plunged for commodities that underpin their economies. After the COVID-19 pandemic shuttered the global economy, cautious bond investors pulled back. The Big Three slashed ratings for many sub-Saharan countries. Then as global inflation pushed upward, major central banks raised interest rates, increasing borrowing costs. Several African nations ended up defaulting on their bonds or struggling to pay debts.
How Africa’s ‘ticket’ to prosperity fueled a debt bomb
A cocoa pod growing on a farm in Ghana, the world’s No. 2 exporter of the commodity. REUTERS/Francis Kokoroko
That’s what happened to Ghana, a top cocoa producer. It defaulted on most of its external debt in 2022, after rising debt costs prompted Moody’s to cut its credit rating. At the time, Ghana said its interest payments were consuming up to 100% of government revenue.
After the downgrade, Ghana’s Finance Ministry took aim at Moody’s, issuing a statement in which it alleged “institutionalized bias,” and declared, “We shall actively continue to support the global outcry against this leviathan.”
The ministry publicly named the Paris-based lead analyst for Ghana and her supervisor, and asserted that she had not visited Ghana since Moody’s assigned her to it earlier that year.
Moody’s declined to comment on the episode. Neither the analyst nor her supervisor responded to requests for comment.
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Africa’s funds too often dormant or misused, reports Mo Ibrahim Foundation

The Foundation says that Africa could do much better in using the financial resources at its disposable to achieve development outcomes.

June 21st, 2024 ByLuke Kilian

Africa must put in place new processes to allocate “dormant or misused” funds in order to meet the Sustainable Development Goals by 2030 and the African Union’s Agenda 2063, argues a new report from the Mo Ibrahim Foundation.

While the annual cost of achieving the SDGs and the African Union’s Agenda 2063 in Africa is estimated by various sources at between $870bn and $1.3 trillion, Africa’s four main sources of finance (revenues, personal remittances, official development assistance and foreign direct investment) amounted to just $829.7bn in 2022, the Foundation reports.

However, the report argues that resources mostly exist, but either lack the relevant processes to be effectively allocated or are either dormant or misused.

Mo Ibrahim, the Sudanese-British telecoms billionaire who chairs the foundation, said that Africa must overhaul its processes to ensure money is getting to where it is needed.

“We need a complete change of paradigm. This is not about Africa coming to the developed world with a begging bowl and developed countries considering how much more they can pledge. This is about smarter money, not just more money. As this report outlines, the money is already there. But current processes prevent resources from being used to properly address the challenges.”

“What I hope this report will show…is that the money is there, but mainly stuck in pipes, or misused.”

That echoes arguments made by the African Union. Domestic resource mobilisation could cover 75-90% of the financing needs for Agenda 2063 on average per country, according to the African Union.

“The money to finance Africa’s future is right here on the continent and within the global African diaspora. It lies in our natural resources, our people, and our innovations,” says Nardos Bekele-Thomas, CEO of African Union Development Agency.

The issue, however, is that the resources are not being used and remain dormant. Issues highlighted by the report include illicit financial flows (IFFs) – which cost Africa an estimated $100bn a year – and weak tax systems.

The money raised from ending IFFs could surpass both ODA received ($81bn annually) and remittances sent back to the continent ($97bn annually).

On taxes, Africa has the lowest government revenue in the world. In 2024, only 5 countries comprise over half (53.7%) of total Africa’s revenues: South Africa, Algeria, Egypt, Morocco and Nigeria.

“With the average tax-to-GDP ratio in Africa still at 15.6%, half the OECD average, strengthening tax systems appears a quick win. Indeed, Africa lost $46 billion in corporate taxes due to tax incentives in 2019, more than half of ODA received,” the Foundation says.
Debt not the answer

Africa’s total external public debt has almost tripled since 2009, rising from $220bn to $655bn in 2022. This is the highest public debt stock Africa has had in over a decade. Countries have had to cut essential public spending, diverting development funds to debt servicing.

“Debt cannot be the way out, as stock and servicing costs have tripled since 2009, and its increasingly complex structure renders traditional relief efforts obsolete,” the report finds.

Arkebe Oqubay, former senior minister and special adviser to the prime minister of Ethiopia and a contributor to the report, says that debt cancellation must be high up the agenda.

“Debt cancellation and restructuring should be the core solution to address the debt stress and financial pressure in African countries. It is of the utmost urgency to establish new financing mechanisms for African development.”
Utilising Africa’s resources

With the ongoing green revolution, Africa’s mineral reserves are in high demand as they are critical for renewable energy and low-carbon technologies. The report suggests that for the continent to make the most of this, it will have to not just produce raw materials but manufacture, design and refine them, in order to access higher value chains. More than 70% of the world’s cobalt is produced in DR Congo, yet Chinese companies account for 68% of the global cobalt refining capacity. Around 80% of the DR Congo’s cobalt output is owned by Chinese companies which produce higher value products such as batteries.

Another way to unlock more money is through Africa’s carbon-sinking capacity, according to the report. The Congo Basin forest offsets more than the whole African continent’s annual emissions. According to the African Carbon Markets Initiative (ACMI), Africa only uses 2% of its annual carbon credits and should aim to sell $100bn worth of credits a year by 2050.

Source, African Business, 21st June 2024

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ECA executive secretary Claver Gatete: Only a regional approach can deliver fast development

Rwanda’s former minister of finance Claver Gatete takes over as the executive secretary of the UN Economic Commission of Africa at a time of great change for the continent.

Claver Gatete takes over the leadership of the United Nations’ Economic Commission for Africa (ECA) at a pivotal juncture, as we approach the halfway stage of the UN Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) and as Africa enters the second decade of its development blueprint Agenda 2063.

The long shadow of Covid-19 still hangs over the global economy with countries around the world, but especially in Africa, trying to recover from the supply chain shocks, sky-high inflation and the subsequent interest rate hikes. Adding to the current instability is the war in Ukraine – arguably a symptom of a re-ordering in the 70-year old rules-based, neoliberal order that had, seemingly, been entrenched in the wake of the last major disruption, the Second World War.

Into the mix comes the latest, harrowing manifestation of the long running conflict in the Middle East and its potential to spill over with incalculable consequences for the world. The need for finance Also on the table is the stark fact what while Western countries, especially in America and Europe, have been able to run large deficits and inject large amounts of cash to kick-start growth, those in Africa and the wider developing world continue to be bogged down by a lack of concessional or affordable financing.

To add to their woes they also face existential threats from climate-related events, hence the urgent demand for a greater say in the global economic and political structures that do not serve them fairly. This is the maelstrom that Gatete steps into as executive secretary of the UN agency, which wasspecifically set up to “promote the economic and social development of its member states, foster intraregional integration, and promote international cooperation for Africa’s development”.

In pursuit of this mandate, the Commission offers advice to member states, helps to strengthen macroeconomic policy and supports efforts towards regional and sub-regional integration. Perhaps the best summary of what the ECA has been responsible for was provided by the late Professor Adebayo Adedeji, the celebrated former head of the organisation, in his presentation – History and Prospects for Regional Integration in Africa” in 2002. He said that the ECA had been involved in “the establishment of virtually all the major existing African regional integration arrangements (ARIA) namely, the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS, 1975), the Preferential Trade Area for Eastern and Southern Africa (PTA, 1981) which was subsequently transformed into COMESA, the Central African Economic Community (CAEC, 1983) and the African Economic Community (AEC, 1991)”.

When we met Gatete in Victoria Falls, Zimbabwe, he offered a practical assessment of what the ECA’s role should be during this dramatic moment in the history of the continent. Its more routine task is to support macroeconomic management, which he explains includes fiscal management, supporting the real productive sectors and fostering a balance between payments and monetary policy.

“Everything you do has an implication on the monetary side. Whatever decision you take definitely has an implication because if you have to accumulate more debt or more deficit, it has implications. So we help countries to manage their own macroeconomic situation, because that’s what is going to actually stabilise the country,” he says.
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Nigeria set for two aggressive interest rate hikes in Q1 – Reuters poll

By Vuyani Ndaba
February 23, 20245:37 PM GMT+1Updated 20 hours ago

JOHANNESBURG, Feb 23 (Reuters) – Nigeria is set for two aggressive interest rate hikes within a little over a month to subdue inflation and boost the naira after a couple of missed monetary policy meetings, a Reuters poll found on Friday.
A survey taken in the past week suggests that Nigeria’s monetary policy rate will be hiked 225 basis points to 21.00% on Feb. 27, in Governor Olayemi Cardoso’s first monetary policy meeting since he took office a couple of months ago.

There was no clear majority in the sample of 15 analysts, with one expecting a 50 bps hike to 19.25% and one a 1,000 bps increase to 28.75%.
That sets the stage for Cardoso to possibly act aggressively, though some doubt authorities have the appetite.
“We expect significant policy tightening and the announcement of de facto system-wide tightening measures,” wrote Razia Khan at Standard Chartered.
“We think both steps are needed to attract greater foreign portfolio investment and anchor inflation expectations,” she added.

A 175 bps jump to 22.75% is expected in March.
Consumer inflation in Africa’s biggest economy quickened for the 13th straight month in January to 29.90%, raising the cost of living to unbearable levels for many in the continent’s most populous nation.
The Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) has not had a policy meeting since July, putting it out of kilter with the rest of the continent’s key central banks that hold meetings almost every second month.

“Reassuringly, the CBN has announced that it will hold its first two MPC meetings of the year in quick succession, on February 27 and March 26,” wrote analysts at Barclays.
“This suggests to us that it is aware it is well behind the policy curve, and will need to deliver at least two strong doses of policy tightening.”
The naira fell to its weakest level at 1,680.5 per dollar on Wednesday in the official spot market amidst a chronic shortage of the U.S. currency.

David Omojomolo, Africa economist at Capital Economics, wrote that the latest devaluation may be enough to put the balance of payments on a stable footing, though as things stand the currency has continued to weaken on the parallel market.
A poll last month suggested economic growth in Nigeria would be 3.0% this year and 3.7% next.
“Nigeria needs to take a leaf out of Kenya or Zambia’s book – and ‘tighten’ monetary policy with rate hikes,” said Charlie Robertson, head of macro strategy at FIM Partners.
Stabilising the naira is probably the most pro-growth move the CBN could make, so interest rate hikes would benefit Nigeria more than harm it, he added.

Reporting by Vuyani Ndaba; Editing by Jan Harvey

Source: Reuters, 23rd February 2024

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IMF approves new $941 m loan for cash-strapped Kenya

Kenya President William Ruto speaks during a plenary session at the COP28 U.N.   –  Copyright © africanews Peter Dejong/Copyright 2023 The AP. All rights reserved.

The International Monetary Fund has granted Kenya a new loan of more than $941 million to help reinforce the finances of the cash-strapped East African nation.

Kenya is grappling with a host of economic challenges including a vast debt mountain, cost of living crisis and tumbling currency.

The IMF said in a statement published on Wednesday that its executive board had approved the $941.2 million loan, with an immediate disbursement of $624.5 million.

Total payments under various credit facilities amount to about $2.6 billion, it added.

The Washington-based agency said it forecast Kenya’s economic growth at around 5 percent this year, from an estimated 5.1 percent in 2023.

“Kenya’s growth remained resilient in the face of increasing external and domestic challenges,” said Antoinette Sayeh, IMF deputy managing director and acting chair, said in the statement.

The credit arrangements for Kenya “continue to support the authorities’ efforts to sustain macroeconomic stability, strengthen policy frameworks, withstand external shocks, push forward key reforms, and promote more inclusive and green growth”.

According to the latest Treasury data released this month, Kenya’s public debt stands at 10.585 trillion shillings ($65.5 billion).

In December, Kenya ditched a promise to buy back a portion of a $2 billion Eurobond that is due to mature in June.

Instead, Finance Minister Njuguna Ndung’u said the country had paid $68.7 million in interest on the bond, sidestepping a potential default.

“In its unwavering commitment to upholding a resilient sovereign credit rating and facilitating access to new development financing, Kenya remains dedicated to fulfilling all debt obligations with international lenders,” Ndung’u said.

President William Ruto had announced a plan in November to buy $300 million of the Eurobond, saying public debt had “become a source of much concern to citizens, markets and our partners”.

Ruto has imposed a raft of new or increased taxes to try to replenish government coffers, but they are deeply unpopular among people struggling with rising costs for basic goods, and several have been challenged in court.

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