All posts by Michael Patotschka

Will Kenya’s renewed privatisation push succeed?

Image : State Department photo by Ron Przysucha/ Public Domain

President William Ruto has announced that 35 state-owned enterprises are slated for privatisation, thrilling stock market executives but dismaying opponents.

A recent change in the privatisation laws of Kenya has empowered the National Treasury to sell state owned enterprises without seeking approval from Parliament. The government argues that the amended law, enacted in October 2023, will eliminate bureaucratic hurdles and expedite the privatisation process. Shortly after assenting to the legislation, President William Ruto announced that 35 state-owned enterprises were slated for privatisation. Among them are the Kenya Pipeline Company and the Kenyatta International Conference Centre (KICC).If successful, this will mark a departure from the previous administration of Uhuru Kenyatta, which did not privatise any public companies. The last successful privatisation in Kenya was that of Safaricom in 2008, during the tenure of President Mwai Kibaki, who oversaw the sale of shares in several state-controlled firms such as Mumias Sugar, Kenya Reinsurance and Kengen.Is the timing right?Proponents of privatisation in Kenya argue that it will improve the government’s fiscal situation by generating income from the sale of assets amid mounting debt obligations that have compelled the government to increase taxes and cut back on non-essential spending. Kenya’s national debt increased from $35.39bn in 2018, to $55.08bn in 2021, and $71.48bn in 2023, according to data compiled from official sources by Statista. The global research firm projects that Kenya’s national debt will continuously increase between 2023 and 2028 by a total of $36.7bn.“The timing is right. Like many frontier economies, Kenya is faced with a huge debt burden,” says Kiprono Kittony, chairman of the board of directors of the Nairobi Securities Exchange (NSE). “Why should the government be so indebted, when it has its own assets?”Kittony notes that privatisation could unlock numerous benefits for the economy if done correctly. “Privatised companies will be more efficient, they will foster greater innovation, and they will be more market-driven; even the caliber of talent they attract will improve.”He argues that a private-sector led economy has one major advantage: it minimises unwanted political meddling in various economic sectors. “Privatised companies can aggressively compete for customers and market share as opposed to worrying about satisfying political whims.”

According to Kittony, listing of state-owned enterprises could also help address some of the corporate governance concerns surrounding these firms.

“The corporate governance of listed companies far exceeds that of non-listed companies, and there is empirical evidence that better governed companies are more effective platforms for wealth creation.”

Ending the IPO drought

One of the options that the amended law provides for privatising state-owned enterprises is to list them on the stock market through initial public offerings (IPOs). This is the preferred method for Kittony, who says that the NSE is collaborating with relevant regulators such as the Capital Markets Authority (CMA) to facilitate the smooth listing of targeted parastatals.

The Kenya Pipeline Company, which manages the country’s national oil and gas pipeline, is especially attractive to NSE investors, Kittony argues. KPC posted a pre-tax profit of Sh6.2bn (approx. $40m) for the year ending 30 June 2022 on total revenues of Sh26.21bn (approx. $170m) and total assets of Sh129.8bn ($840m), as per its most recent annual report. This makes it one of the most lucrative and valuable public enterprises in Kenya, hence the keen investor interest.

The NSE has not registered a new listing to the bourse since October 2015, when the Stanlib Fahari REIT was listed. The REIT is currently in the process of being delisted from the main investment segment of the NSE. The new privatisation plan is aimed at addressing this IPO drought, with President Ruto noting that his government intends to list 6-10 state-owned enterprises firms in the near future.

“We have established over the past few years that in Kenya we do not have a demand-side problem. There is a lot of demand for both equities and fixed income securities. The problem has always been on the supply side where we don’t have enough products to offer.” notes Kittony, expressing optimism that the renewed privatisation push will help reverse this.

However, privatisation alone is not enough to boost investor confidence. There is also a need to encourage private entities to list on the stock market, he explains. By having both public and private firms listed, Kenya can signal its commitment to market reforms and create more opportunities for domestic and foreign investors.

Kittony argues that privatisation transactions should be well-priced to ensure the government gets enough income from the privatisation exercise and the investors get a fair return.

“The pricing must be done in a way that gives upside to local investors.”

Political risks and viability of business models key concerns

However, not everyold is sold on the potential ease of a privatisation programme. Kwame Owino, CEO of the Institute of Economic Affairs (IEA) – a think tank that facilitates informed debates to influence public policy in Kenya – privatisation has not been successful in Kenya and other East African countries because of various political obstacles.

The first political obstacle that Owino outlines is public resistance arising from lack of trust in the process.

“Privatisation is not easy to sell in the East African region partly because governments are not really trusted. Many people think that privatising is to hand over the nation’s crown jewels to the private sector,” he remarked in a media interview on the topic. There is also likely to be opposition from the country’s trade unions.

Owino says that another obstacle the privatisation process faces is silent but strong opposition from some government officials who may not want to lose the benefits and advantages that come with controlling parastatals.

“Even within the government itself there are many people who enjoy the privileges that come with sitting on boards or in some cases direct procurement with enterprises that are owned by the government. They find it difficult to cede that control.”

Some state-owned enterprises that are slated for privatisation may face low investor interest due to their unviable business models and long history of operating unprofitability. A case in point is Kenya Airways (KQ), in which the government owns a 48.9% stake. KQ has been draining public funds without giving any return on investment for many years. According to the auditor-general, the Treasury gave the national carrier Sh16.27bn ($100m) in 2022 without any loan agreement or recovery mechanism, highlighting the adverse impact of loss-making entities on the government’s finances.

KQ is not alone when it comes to unsatisfactory performance among state-owned-enterprises. A 2022 report by the Treasury’s Public Service Performance Management and Monitoring Unit reveals that the majority of parastatals in Kenya are struggling financially, operationally and strategically, with an increasing number relying on bailouts and subsidies to stay afloat. The survey rated 232 parastatals out of which only 92, a mere 39.6%, achieved their annual performance targets.

The ranking looked at the parastatals’ key mandate, customer experience, corruption prevention, project completion, payment of pending bills, absorption of funds, access to government procurement opportunities for the youth and women as well as internship opportunities for the youth.

Widespread underperformance among parastatals on these key metrics may lower the market value and appeal of state-owned enterprises as investment opportunities, complicating the privatisation process by making it difficult to find suitable investors. Other private investors will believe that they can provide the leadership required to oversee serious reform and a return to profitability.

Overcoming the legal hurdles

The privatisation plan also faces major legal hurdles. Opposition leader Raila Odinga’s party, the Orange Democratic Movement, has challenged the amended privatisation laws in court, arguing that the process should be subjected to a referendum due to the strategic significance of the firms listed for sale.

High Court judge Chacha Mwita in December ruled that the petition by the opposition leader raises important questions that warrant the Court’s attention. “I am satisfied that the petition raises substantial constitutional and legal issues of public importance that require critical examination,” he pointed out in his ruling. Mwita said any planned sales made under the revised law were suspended until Feb 6 2024, when the case will be heard.

The ODM party is sticking to its guns and demanding a referendum, particularly for assets like the Nairobi based KICC. The iconic conference center is a key part of the country’s national heritage, even featuring prominently on bank notes.

“If ever there was a matter over which a referendum was mandatory then it’s the sale of National Assets like KICC, KPC and the others. One generation of greedy leaders cannot just strip a Nation of its assets without reference to the people,” notes Edwin Sifuna, Nairobi senator and secretary general of ODM.

The government faces a tough court battle after ODM’s petition to pause privatisation under the new laws was heard by the High Court. However, it still has a fighting chance to get privitisation back on track. Many factors will influence the ongoing court case, such as the quality of the legal arguments, the evidence presented, and the possibility of dialogue between the government and the opposition. Meanwhile, President Ruto is determined to continue with his plan.

This is partly because Kenya needs to remain in the good graces of its main creditors, particularly the World Bank and the IMF, who have been urging the country to get rid of unprofitable state agencies and merge those that have overlapping functions. The privatisation of these firms is crucial for Kenya to maintain its good standing with its lenders.

Source: AfricanBusiness, 9th January 2024

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Interview: AI expert warns of ‘digital colonization’ in Africa

Artificial intelligence (AI) is ripe to help resolve certain major problems in Africa, from farming to the health sector, but Senegalese expert Seydina Moussa Ndiaye is warning of a new “colonization” of the continent by this new technology if foreign companies continue to feed on African data without involving local actors.

One of 38 people members of the new UN advisory body on machine learning, Mr. Ndiaye spoke with UN News about the landscape ahead, building on his experience in helping to drive Senegal’s digital transformation in higher education, serving as an expert to the African Union in drafting the Pan-African Strategy on AI and in contributing to the Global Partnership on Artificial Intelligence (GPAI).

Senegalese AI expert Seydina NDiaye is one of the 38 experts of the UN High-Level Advisory Body on Artificial Intelligence.

© Courtesy of Seydina Ndiaye
Senegalese AI expert Seydina NDiaye is one of the 38 experts of the UN High-Level Advisory Body on Artificial Intelligence.

 

UN News: How could AI help Africa?

Seydina Moussa Ndiaye: There are several African countries that are beginning to have a dedicated strategy for artificial intelligence. However, there is a pan-African strategy that will soon be published, with a continental vision of AI development.

More and more, young people launching startups are interested in this, and they have a real thirst for knowledge in the field of AI. This growing interest can be accelerated with international help.

However, there is a wall in some areas, and AI can in fact be used to solve certain problems, including in agriculture. In the health sector, AI could in fact solve a lot of problems, especially the problem of a lack of personnel.

The other element that is also very important is the development of cultural identity. Africa has been seen as a continent with a cultural identity that has not been able to impose itself across the world. With the development of AI, we could use this channel so that African cultural identities are better known and better valued.

Bernice Kula-Kula, a refugee from DR Congo, studies computer engineering, cybersecurity and artificial intelligence on a UNICORE scholarship, thanks to Italy with UN-support.

© UNHCR/Agnese Morganti
Bernice Kula-Kula, a refugee from DR Congo, studies computer engineering, cybersecurity and artificial intelligence on a UNICORE scholarship, thanks to Italy with UN-support.

 

UN News: Are there bad sides of AI threatening Africa?

Seydina Moussa Ndiaye: The biggest threat for me is colonization. We may end up with large multinationals in AI that will impose their solutions throughout the continent, leaving no room for creating local solutions.

Most of the data currently generated in Africa is owned by multinationals whose infrastructure is developed outside the continent, where most African AI experts also operate. It’s a loss of African talent.

The other important element to consider is in the context of the fourth industrial revolution. The power of AI combined with advances in biotechnology or technology could be used, and Africa could be the place where all these new solutions are actually being tested.

If it’s not supervised, we could end up with tests that would take place on humans with chips or even integrated biotechnology elements that we improve. These are technologies that we don’t really master well. In regulatory terms, there are certain aspects that have not been considered. The very framework for the application of ideas and existing regulations is not effective.

In concrete terms, and when you don’t control these things, it could happen without anyone knowing. We could have Africa being used as a Guinea pig to test new solutions, and this could be a great, great threat for the continent.

UN Deputy Secretary-General Amina Mohammed interacts with Sophia the robot at the “The Future of Everything – Sustainable Development in the Age of Rapid Technological Change” meeting.

© United Nations/Kensuke Matsue
UN Deputy Secretary-General Amina Mohammed interacts with Sophia the robot at the “The Future of Everything – Sustainable Development in the Age of Rapid Technological Change” meeting.

 

UN News: Do you think that the UN’s new AI advisory group is going to be a platform that will allow you to put these problems on the table?

Seydina Moussa Ndiaye: Yes, absolutely. We’ve started our work, and it’s really very open. These are high-level people who understand international issues well, and there are no taboo subjects.

It’s important that the voice of Africa is represented in the group. International scientific cooperation will be strengthened and not limited to the major powers. At the international level, it includes everyone and also helps the least developed countries.

Currently, there is a real gap, and if this is not resolved, we risk increasing inequalities.

Source: UN, 2nd January 2024

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OPEC December oil output rises before new cuts, Angola exit – Reuters survey

A 3D-printed oil pump jack is seen in front of displayed OPEC logo in this illustration picture, April 14, 2020. REUTERS/Dado Ruvic/File Photo

LONDON, Jan 5 (Reuters) – OPEC DECEMBER OIL OUTPUT RISES BY 70,000 BPD FROM NOVEMBER TO 27.88 MILLION BPD AHEAD OF 2024 CUTS, ANGOLA EXIT – REUTERS SURVEY

OPEC oil output rose in December, a Reuters survey found on Friday, as increases in Iraq, Angola and Nigeria offset ongoing cuts by Saudi Arabia and other members of the wider OPEC+ alliance to support the market.

The Organization of the Petroleum Exporting Countries pumped 27.88 million barrels per day (bpd) last month, the survey found, up 70,000 bpd from November. Output is down more than 1 million bpd from the same month a year ago. PRODN-TOTAL

The boost comes ahead of further OPEC+ cuts in 2024 and Angola’s exit from OPEC, which are set to lower January output and market share. OPEC’s market share has already been falling due to output restraint and the departure of some members.

In December, the biggest increases of 60,000 bpd came from Iraq and Angola, which both boosted exports, the survey found.

Nigeria also shipped more crude abroad without, as yet, beginning oil products output at its new Dangote refinery.

The Reuters survey, which aims to track supply to the market, is based on shipping data provided by external sources, Refinitiv Eikon flows data, information from companies that track flows such as Petro-Logistics and Kpler and information provided by sources at oil companies, OPEC and consultants.

Source: CNBC Africa, 5th January 2024

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Economic review: 2024 and its key challenges [Business Africa]

After a tumultuous 2023 for African economies, 2024 is shaping up to be equally challenging.

2024: New Year, New Economic Challenges

The economic pace in Africa, slowed by the Covid-19 crisis and impacted by the consequences of the Ukrainian conflict, has been tested throughout 2023. As the new year approaches, the almost endemic inflation raises questions about its sustainability, prompting reflection on sectors deserving investment priority.

Rabah Arezki, economic expert and former vice president of the African Development Bank, sheds light on the challenges of 2024 in an Exclusive Interview with Business Africa.

Record US-Africa Trade in 2023

A review of US-Africa collaboration in 2023: a memorable chapter with the ratification of over 550 trade and investment agreements.

As the African population continues to grow, and its economic potential expands, the United States has shown a strong willingness to strengthen ties with the continent last year. More details with American analyst Calvin Dark.

In Search of Energy Self-Sufficiency: Challenges in Rural Communities in Congo

In the Republic of Congo, despite the proximity of pipelines, power plants, and high-tension lines, the electricity deficit persists in villages in the oil-rich region of Pointe-Noire, resulting in losses for local businesses. A report by our correspondent Cédric Lyonnel Sehossolo.

Source:  Africanews, 4th January 2024

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Ambiguous Ethiopia port deal fuels uncertainty over Somaliland statehood

The agreement accentuates historical ties between Ethiopia and Somaliland – and historical hostility with Somalia.

 

Somaliland President Muse Bihi Abdi, right, and Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed attend the signing of an agreement in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, on January 1, 2024, that allows Ethiopia to use a Somaliland port [Tiksa Negeri/Reuters]

On Monday, an agreement signed in the Ethiopian capital, Addis Ababa, between Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed and President Muse Bihi Abdi of the breakaway republic of Somaliland preceded a shocking announcement that has already set the tone for interstate relations in the Horn of Africa this year.

The memorandum of understanding was for the leasing of 20km (12 miles) of Somaliland’s sea coast to landlocked Ethiopia. In exchange, Somaliland will receive shares in its neighbour’s flagship carrier, Ethiopian Airlines – and receive formal recognition as a sovereign state.

International recognition has been a long-sought goal for Somaliland, a region in northern Somalia that has enjoyed de facto independence since 1991. But the groundbreaking agreement has created shockwaves in the region and fury in Somalia, which views it as a hostile violation of Somalia’s sovereignty.

“As a government, we have condemned and rejected the illegal infringement of Ethiopia into our national sovereignty and territorial integrity yesterday,” Somali President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud said in a statement on X shortly after convening an emergency cabinet session on Tuesday. “Not an inch of Somalia can or will be signed away by anybody.”

In Ethiopia, where for much of 2023 the government stressed the economic need for a seaport and even subtly hinted at possibly invading Eritrea for access to the Red Sea, the deal is being portrayed as a victory.

But the terms of that victory differ for Ethiopia and Somaliland, and that could further complicate the situation in the coming days.

While Somaliland insists that recognition has already been agreed upon and settled, Addis Ababa has been reluctant to firmly address the matter of statehood. In a published communique, the government said it had yet to formally recognise Somaliland. But social media posts by Ethiopian Ministry of Foreign Affairs official Mesganu Arga this week appear to support Somaliland’s interpretation of the deal.

The ambiguity of the messaging continues to fuel speculation. A draft of the agreement has yet to be published, but all indications suggest that it would all but nullify a 2018 tripartite treaty cementing ties between Ethiopia, Somalia and Eritrea, details of which were similarly never made public.

Pressure or patriotism?

Ethiopian officials have been far more eager to speak of the benefits the agreement is said to have secured.

“The agreement is mutually beneficial, and Ethiopia will share military and intelligence experience with Somaliland, so the two states can collaborate on protecting joint interests,” Redwan Hussein, Abiy’s national security adviser, said at the event announcing the agreement. “To facilitate this, Ethiopia will establish a military base in Somaliland as well as a commercial maritime zone.”

Abiy hopes the agreement can help kick-start Ethiopia’s revival after a year of worsening economic woes, internal conflicts and a breakdown in relations with Eritrea. Since the signing of the two countries’ widely heralded peace treaty in 2018, which helped Abiy land the Nobel Peace Prize a year later, Ethiopia has been keen to redirect its imports to Eritrean ports.

But this has never materialised.

Source: Al Jazeera, 4th January 2024

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